CORONAVIRUS: UTTER DISASTER LOOMS AROUND THE GREAT SAHARA (SAHEL)

Unidentified man who found near Telabere region

A total Regional Lockdown of frontiers and trade routes has successfully stopped all trade not just in the huge Sahara proper, but also in the thousand-mile-wide belt, called the Sahel immediately to the South where innumerable others are also at immense risk.   The direct result of the sudden lockdown has been the triggering of immense and growing hunger, a growth in widespread abuse of fundamental human rights and a huge Jihadist upsurge of activity.

   

While the whole world is now fighting tooth and nail to limit the spread of the deadly Coronavirus and to prevent countless premature deaths, conceivably to be numbered in the millions, the consequence of that one widespread type of action has been to suddenly stop dead a vital network of trading activities in and around large parts of the Western Great Sahara. Appalling hunger looms over large tracts of territory and this is happening in the midst of a huge Jihadist upsurge so that these separate overlapping crises together spell terrible extra trouble for different population groups and States.  The risks go far beyond the already globally catastrophic social and economic effects of the Great Pandemic which normally operates 'on its own' so to speak, as if that wasn't enough!

   

On the 13th of April, the Algerian authorities declared their national border with Mali to be closed and that all movement in and out of Algeria was suspended until further notice. Niger followed suit that day, and similar restrictions were quickly imposed by Burkina Faso, Mauritania and other states around the region.  The immediate consequence of that total shutdown was that the whole Western Sahara and Sahel region a truly vast area, came to a total standstill.   Much may be largely inaccessible but all is totally dependent on trade and the free flow of goods.  The stoppage remains to this day. Food shortages and the imminence of famine have now become central topics of ordinary conversation for all the innumerable widely scattered inhabitants.  "The Great Sahara" region previously depended on food supplies coming out of Algeria. All the countries involved have suspended normal free movement. There is most impact in the northern parts of Mali and Niger where, although some indigenous Tuareg nomads are now settled, most are still nomadic, being accompanied in their travels by various livestock.  

The great Sahara Map

The lockdown on free movement has impacted badly not only on cross-border trade but on other types of movement; with one major exception, however.   Criminal gangs and terrorist groups are now ever more active and thriving, particularly flourishing in the vicinity of Tellabere, Inaker and Menka. Last week, according to eye witness reports, the fundamentalist Islamic State in the Greater Sahara started to allure ever more young people into their ranks.  The group goes back to 2015 and is led by Abu Walid al-Sahraoui.

 One of the organization's recruiting agents has recently been seen near the Menka and Inaker.  He was distributing both food and hard cash to some of the very poor families that are suffering the most. This same agent is one of the organisation's most active local leaders.  According to one local source he has managed to recruit at least 35 young menin his area.  Another member of the same terrorist organisation appears to have a similar assignment and recruiting mission in the Tellabere region, close to a small village near the border of Western Niger, where it adjoins neighboring Mali.   Security sources in that area also suggest that the expansion of recruitment by terrorist groups is targeted mainly at young people from poor families. Activity is thought to have increased tenfold since April 13, when many countries in the Sahel region closed their national borders.  The Coronavirus now threatens at least three million Africans according to the W.H.O.

The worst consequences of the current pandemic also now include numerous serious violations of human rights as stated earlier, alongside the hunger or starvation that is putting the lives of thousands on the line.  Incidentally, a recent OXFAM report warned that at least 50 million people are now threatened by impending famine in West Africa.

The Coronavirus has come on top of actual armed conflict that was already present arising from serious pre-existing tensions and insecurity.  It is particularly common in places like Northern Mali where some of the Tuareg have long been fighting the government of Mali in pursuit of the desired independent state to be called Azawad. 

The increasingly fragile food-market situation in the region exacerbates things amidst all the tension, instability and conflict which is both between various armed groups and the very weak government of Mali in Bamako. Further South atrocities have also been taking place against the Tuareg and Fulani people.  In the last couple of weeks more than 36 Tuareg have been killed by the Nigerian Army.  That was at Ayarou and Tera areas.  One of the victims by the name of Abdulaye was only 27 years old when murdered by Nigerian Army soldiers near Tellabere. The victim, a Fulani herder was tied up and shot dead, along with his animals, before military tanks ran over the bodies. The Nigerian government has only commented on 

these stories with a bald assertion that it's army has killed a number of terrorists in the area.

  

Mass grave for more than 36 Tuareg victims found near Telabere region

That dismissive Nigerian Army version of the truth has subsequently been denied both by local civilians and by Human Rights bodies including the Imouhagh International Organization for Justice and Transparency.  The latter is a well-informed organisation concerned with the whole region.  They have now published a letter demanding a thorough investigation by the Nigerian Government, followed by impartial justice for the families of innocent victims. One victim in a different but adjacent post-colonial state was Attyoub Ag Allou, 40 years old, and the father of six children.  He is someone totally dependent on UNHCR support for survival and was living at Mentao Refugee Camp in the province of Djibo, Burkina Faso. This man was arrested, before being tied up in front of members of his family and severely beaten.  Fortunately, he survived their attentions to tell the tale and managed to escape from a place where he was being held, a few days later. A second victim from the same refugee camp of Mentao was less fortunate however. He was a 60-year old blind man.  Hired by the camp residents to look after their animals.  He is alleged to have been arbitrarily killed inside the camp, right in front of his family.

Mentao Refugee camp, Burkina Faso: victims of torture and liquidation.

In conclusion, we can only say that the need to write this troubling story arose when it became clear once we were in possession of the above facts that anyone with some power and ability to act, had a duty to do share the information. We should all try to re-focus public attention, however briefly at this time of universal self-centered distractions, on the much worse plight of the people in the places mentioned above.  We must ask our leaders to try to reduce the likely scale of the impending disaster. 

Akli Sh’kka, filmmaker, journalist and human rights activist

Is Libya headed for Civil War/ Akli Sh'kka

Five years after the fall of the Gaddafi Regime the sound of gunfire can still be heard in many parts of Libya.  It seems possible that it could even continue for most of the 21st Century.  

The latest developments in the conflict are taking place in the Oil Crescent, as also in Benghazi and Tripoli. The main divide is between 'Haftar Loyalists' in the East: the so-called Libyan National Army, and the Benghazi Defence Brigades. The latter are  militias of revolutionary fighters affiliated to the National Salvation Government in Tripoli, far away West of Benghazi. 

 Last March, forces loyal to Khalifa Haftar, a former Libyan General launched fresh attacks in the ‘Ganfouda’ area of Benghazi. A shocking video has emerged showing fighters from the Libyan National Army carrying out execution-style killings of fighters from the Shura Council of Benghazi, a group loyal to Tripoli.  Two such incidents look like being declared war crimes under international law, extending a long list of such crimes committed by armed groups in both Western and Eastern Libya.  Only a couple of weeks ago Khalifa Hafter lost control there when the Benghazi 'Defence Brigades' struck at al-Sidra, Libya’s biggest oil port, as well as at Ras Lanuf, its largest refinery.  They forced Haftar’s 'Libyan National Army' to retreat eastwards, although only three weeks later Haftar was able to strike back and regain control of the strategically important rich area from those particular rival forces.

His recapture of a string of key oil ports from the Benghazi 'Defence Brigades' now looks likely to lead to a very significant new phase of hostilities which could in its turn lead to another long period of continuing violence.  He is rallying his loyalists, as he seeks to strengthen his control over oil installations in Western parts of the country as well as in the region of Fezzan in the Far South.

The sudden recent downturn in events is a cause for great concern to many diplomats and politicians and has triggered a widespread fear that the country, extremely fragile as it already is, may now rapidly head for total civil war.  An early reaction has been expressed by the Ambassadors to Libya of France, the United Kingdom and the USA.  In a joint statement they strongly condemned the escalating violence in The Oil Crescent: "We call on all parties to undertake an immediate ceasefire and to refrain from any further hostilities”.  Such concern, is also shared by many other countries and must have seriously troubled Martin Kobler, Special Representative of the UN Secretary-General and in charge of the UN Support Mission to Libya. Only hours after the incident Mr Kobler wrote on Twitter: “I call on all parties to the conflict in the Oil Crescent to fully comply with International Humanitarian Law.’’

These recent developments, in a country extremely rich in natural resources have thrown local and international peacemaking efforts into chaos and disarray.  It feels as if the whole country could easily slip into a bloody civil war.  This despite the earlier expulsion of so-called Islamic State (ISIS) from Sirte as well as from some other chief strongholds in the country, as happened last year.  According to “Oil Price Website’’ oil production has now recovered and is back up at its highest level for three years having hit 685,000 barrels a day in January.

The country itself however seems to be even more polarized than before.  Increased divisions can clearly be seen as levels of political conflict escalate, adding oil to the fire and fuelling hatred between different Libyan communities; as also between the numerous armed militias, and a range of military leaders, fundamentalist clerics and disparate politicians. Each and every one strives to co-opt as many followers as possible to their own particular cause or side.

Since the National Accord Government arrived in Tripoli in March last year, they have consistently failed to establish their authority even

within the capital, let alone elsewhere.   And the "Skhirat Agreement",

backed by the UN's representatives in Tripoli seems to have failed to

fulfil even its basic intentions. It now faces a challenge to its very

existence from the House of Representatives in Tobruk far to the

East. On several occasions in the course of voting for different measures

the Members of that representative body have declined to support the

agreement.

On top of that, the economy is now sliding sharply towards complete collapse. For ordinary Libyans, the National Accord Government in Tripoli has lost all credibility. Its failure is most obviously seen in the worsening economic crisis, as well as in the failure to end continuing prolonged power cuts as well as the financial crisis as banks run out of cash. The possibility that talks intended to lead to political guarantees might prevent renewed violence has been reduced by the recent events in Ras Lanuf. And current events in Tripoli will have greatly increased the general level of anxiety in the South of the country where forces loyal to Ben Nail (a tribal leader loyal to Kaddi) are engaging in hit and run attacks on the Third Force, a militia Loyal to the city of Misurata.  Amidst the growing chaos that pervades the country there is an increasing danger that ISIS jihadists and al Qaeda fighters will get their fighting spirit back and strike again, despite their defeat in Sirte last December. 

Hafter plays his cards well and could eventually play an ace, although that would only be if he were to manage to gain control of a number of other parts of the country particularly around certain places in Western Libya.  Most former supporters of decade-long dictator Muammar Qaddafi are to be found there, particularly in Benoualid, Zintan, Al Jameel, and Ragdaline. But there are other Qadaffi loyalists too in parts of Tripoli where forces from Misurata and other revolutionary brigades are maintaining a tight grip.

Hafter seems to be successfully avoiding the risk of ending up with his eggs all in a single basket since he is doing well in Fezzan far to the South, particularly in cities like Sebha, Ubari, Murzuq and Ghat. He encourages his followers from the tribes in those places to try and persuade their children to join his movement.  He needs fresh recruits, ready for upcoming battles and talks freely of 'liberating' Tripoli as also of a similar 'liberation' of the Oil Terminals.  As yet however all that feels to be far from likely.

Last month, the president of the State Council, Abdulrahman Sewehli visited Doha where he held talks with the Emir of Qatar, Sheikh Tamim Bin Hamad Al Thani.  He also spoke to the Qatari prime minister, Abdullah bin Nasser bin Khalifa Al Thani and to Qatar's Ministers of Defence and Foreign Affairs. The visit has been seen by some political analysts as mainly about asking Qatar to try to play a peacemaker role again. But it may have also been about asking Qatar to help the National Accord Government assert their authority in a much more assertive way. 

All these developments suggest that Libya is heading for greater division, increased radicalisation, and - given the worse case scenario - for civil war.

An interview with Danto Aya: one of only two Tuareg people known to be currently living in the UK

Danto Aya is a Libyan musician and one of only two Tuareg people known to be currently living in the UK. A talented professional, he is a solo singer who plays the guitar, as well as being a composer who writes his own songs.

I myself met Danto in Manchester when he was living near there. He had been taking part in many concerts and festivals following his first arrival in 2007. His story, including his life as a Tuareg under the Qaddafi regime and his struggle to become an artist has been a challenging one. In the following few lines I try to explore his life, first as a child in Libya and then as a musician, as I talk to him about his experiences, including his life here in the UK as a former Sahara nomad.

Q. First of all I want to thank you for sparing us time to talk to us exploring your life. Then the first question I want to put to you is this: "How do you personally define yourself?"

A. (with a laugh): I’m simply Danto Aya, a Tuareg musician from Ghat in the south of Libya. I’m 38 years old, and currently living in London, and I work as a solo artist. I play acoustic guitar: steel-stringed acoustic guitar, and all-electric guitar also.

Q. Can you tell us a bit about your childhood?

A. I was born in 1977 in a small village near Ghat and had two

brothers and [two?] sisters. I was brought up as a nomad, but both my parents died when I was only 5. Then an aunt and some cousins had to share the responsibity for looking after me, along with my brothers and sisters. I was mainly looked after by the aunt.

Q. How would you describe the life that you lived in those days?

A. (with a sigh): People had next to nothing to live off because of the great drought that struck the Sahara between the years 1977 and 1984 although they still had a pride and dignity which are all too rare these days. My father had died following an attack of measles. That was at a time when he was trying to save the last ten of our surviving goats, and our mother died quite soon after that. It was when those Tuareg who had lost their animals in the prolonged drought began to migrate to towns and villages in Southern Algeria and Libya. My guardian's family decided to move further North than others, as far as Ghat, where I spent most of my childhood and early adulthood.

Q. How difficult was it as nomads to live in a town in those days?

A. It was very difficult for us, everything was completely different. At the beginning we moved to a village where there was a refugee camp that Qaddafi's regime had built for the Tuareg people, particularly in the 1970s and on into the late '80s. The camp was set up on the outskirts of the town of Tahala. As children we had no chance of schooling, not at any age, due to our complete lack of documents and papers. But what Qaddafi’s regime did offer to the Tuareg was military training. He was planning to send people to Chad and the Lebanon. And although he promised nationality and housing in a famous 1980 speech, those things have never become a reality, not even now, right up to the day when we're speaking.

Q. What made you move to England and what’s the main difference between being here and the Sahara desert?

A. I used to sing in the Tuareg language and to do gigs, but this was all forbidden under Qaddafi's regime. I was arrested, and imprisoned and tortured a few times, just for singing in my own language, although that was all I could speak back then. Then in 2007, out of the blue the Qaddafi regime increased the pressure on non-Arabic speakers like Berbers. I found myself back in prison, and for the same reason, all over again. But this time I decided to run away once and for all

Akli: last not least I would like to thank you again for your time for making this interview possible

Danto: No, problem!

....لعنة الشمس ونكسة الحدود

Voices from the Sahara: ....لعنة الشمس ونكسة الحدود

....لعنة الشمس ونكسة الحدود

تشق السماء إلى نصفين من أقاصي الشرق إلى أقاصي الغرب بعجالة رهيبة قبل أن تستقر في مكان إقامتها المفضل فوق سماء "تينيري" لتصب حمم جحيمها فوق رؤوس سكانها نهارا كاملا.. فلا تبرح مكانها قبل أن تفرغ جام غضبها على شعبي الواقع بين فكي كماشة وتبث فيهم التعاسة وقد سلبتهم الوسامة و اختلست منهم السعادة ..

فكم من عَجُوز قضى حياته بين البئر والنجع , وكم من يافِع واعد قضى نحبه تعذيبا تحت ركلات أقدام بوليس المستعمر.. وكم من مَوْلُود قدر له أن يمضي طفولته غريبا معوزا شاردا وصرخاته تخيم في سماء مخيمات اللاجئين, وكم من أم ضاقت بها السبل بحثا عن إبنها الفار من جفاء ثُدِيٌّها بعيدا في متاهات بلاد الغربة بحثا عن رمق الحياة.. ومازال في أرضي متسع لقبر شهيد!

تستريح الملعونة غير آبهة من فوق لعناتها الأرضية المسماة: اليورانيوم, الذهب, النفط وما أكثر بشاعة من هذا وذاك  من تلك المولودة الزائدة في عام 63 المسماة, بالحدود. فكيف لا؟ فالعرف تقول أن الأرض الحبلى بهذه اللعنات لا يسلم أهلها من وسم العبودية والاستعمار التَائِق لما يسميه أهل الدنيا بالخيرات ونسميه نحن باللعنات!

لقد شكل عام 63 بداية النكسة الكبرى وبداية الشتات المشؤم الذي بفضله مزق المستعمر أخر عرق في جسم “الامة" بجرة قلم وقطع كل ما يربطها بالأرض والوجود والكرامة.

قديما في أساطير الأمم العابرة يقال أن رقم "ثلاثة" و"ستة" أرقام شُؤْم ومجلبة للعنات والحظوظ السيئة. تلك هي اللعنة التي نزلت في ذلك العام على أهلي  كما تنزل الصحون الطائرة معلنة بداية الاغتراب عن الذات والوطن والهوية.. إنه إعلان نهاية السيادة وسقوط الملكية وبداية وأد ثقافة ومحنة شعب فريد!

فقبل أن تواصل المشؤومة رحلتها إلى العالم الآخر حاملة معها البرودة والرأفة كأنها مستحية من فعلتها ترسل وابل من حممها النارية ضارمة القلق واليأس في رؤوس سكان صحرائي, تجعلهم يَتَمَلْمَلُون في سيرهم  وأقدامهم تصب دما وقيحا من شدة حرقة الرّمْضَاءُ..  تنفخ كالحية في تكوينات وتجمعات الغبار والرمال مخلفة زوبعات ورياح هوجاء التي بدورها تزحف على كل ماهو أخضر وكل ما يرمز للحياة, ثم تجعل الماء يدب في أحشاء الأرض بعيدا فيشتد الظمأ وتتبعثر أبسط وسائل الحياة في كافة أرجاء وطني.. تجبر البراري والزواحف باتخاذ الجحور والمغارات سكنا في محاولة يائسة لاتقاء شرورها الجهنمية قبل أن تضطر بالعودة مرة أخرى للسطح المثخن هو الآخر بالظلام بعد رحلة الأنقاض الطويلة!

أقسمت البائسة ألا تغادر مكانها قبل أن تقضي على كل ماهو جميل حتى  بات إسمها قرين لجهنم.. الفقر..الظمأ..الجدب.. التصحر وللعبودية والظلم.  جعلت من السُرّاق والمستعمرين ملوك وأسيادا وجعلت منا متسولون.. أستباحت جبالنا ورمالنا وودياننا وانتهكت نقاء أجواءنا. فهي من جلب "بي بي" و"سونطراك" و"توتال"  " وإيني غاز" و "أريفا" لتعكر نقاء وسماحة صحرائي ..  بفضلها داس الغرباء بأقدامهم أرضي طمعا وبحثا عن غنيمة وعن اغتيال غزال, براءة وطني وبراءة كل الاوطان.. بفضلها أصبحنا طريدة وغرباء بدون عنوان, بفضلها أصبح وطني مسرحا للإرهابيين ومعبر للمهاجرين!

The Amazigh people of Libya: their aspirations and their role in the Revolution of April 17th/Akli Sh'kka

The Amazigh people of Libya: their aspirations and their role in the Revolution of April 17th

Almost six years have now passed since the first shot was fired in the Libyan revolution.  It was fired in the direction of Gaddafi loyalists who remained loyal to their master who was however soon to be deposed.  That shot was heard around the world and it's echo can still be heard today throughout Libya. On that memorable occasion, 17 April 2011, a small number of Libyan Arab protesters took to the streets of Zawiya and Benghazi.  

Within a very short time the same thing was happening in lots of other places, particularly in the west in the Nafusa Mountains, a region where the majority of native Amazigh currently live.                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                      

In other towns and cities in different places a lot of people were following suit, although countless others hesitated as they watched in fear and trepidation, full of apprehension as the widespread protests gradually escalated until eventually a major rebellion had spread like wildfire across the whole country. The international community looked on with growing concern, wondering what on earth was going to happen next.  An unprecedented sequence  of events unfolded in rapid succession in Libya.  It was not long however before Nicholas Sarkozy, President of France at the time, took a very unexpected decision and decided to stand by the Libyan people.  It meant opposing a previous major backer, the man who had in fact done a lot to finance his recent election, namely Colonel Qaddafi. Somewhere at the U.N. Headquarters in New York others were soon taking an interest and noises were beginning to be heard.  On 26 February the UN Security Council passed an initial resolution which froze the assets of Gaddafi and his inner circle and restricted their travel.  They also referred various matters to the International Criminal Court for investigation.  In early March however Gaddafi's forces were nevertheless able to rally.  After a strong push eastwards, re-taking several coastal towns or cities, they finally reached the stronghold of Benghazi.   A further UN resolution authorised member states to establish and enforce a 'No Fly Zone' over Libya.  

Amazigh protest,Tripoli, Libya

This was in order to prevent attacks on civilians.  Then on 16 September the UN recognised the National Transitional Council as the legal representative of the State of Libya.  On Oct 20, after getting caught up in cross fire, Qaddafi himself was captured, before being killed in a particularly horrible and brutal way.  To many Libyans this marked the end of 42 years of Qaddafi rule. But was it in fact to be truly the end of the immensely long Qaddafi regime and saga?  The answer, alas has to be a very clear and definite 'NO!', and it is a sad fact that many of the Libyans who took to the streets on the memorable first day, back in 2011, would now be forced to agree with my opinion, in the very different circumstances that obtain today in 2016. Despite the fact that on that earlier occasion the people decided to take the future into their own hands, today the future looks ever more bleak and uncertain than even in the days of the ruthless dictator. We have to remember that Libya experienced one of the most awkward and peculiar revolutions of modern times, for a whole variety of complicated reasons.   It is a simple fact that countless incidents in an uncoordinated rebellion happened essentially at random and in a disorganised way and there was a complete absence of any real or coordinated overall plan; that is, apart from some scattered opposition voices in Europe and America, which, however, also lacked coordination or a United Front - political &/or military - to unify them. When Qaddafi’s forces pushed their way Eastwards towards Benghazi (the second largest town in Libya after the capital Tripoli) every single Libyan either at home or in exile watched in fear with bated breath wondering what might be going to follow this setback. Now however those who then asked themselves that question undoubtedly know much of the answer.  

Amazigh fighters

 Six years on from when that first shot was fired lots of questions remain unanswered and a tremendous number of intractable problems have still to be sorted out.Failure is the name of the game as regards this particular revolution at least for the Amazigh people.  They suffered in both the April Revolution and during the days of Qaddafi’s regime, At that time parents were even forbidden to allow their newborns even so much as to keep their Amazigh names.  School textbooks made no reference at all to Amazigh culture and history, and names like Masiniss, Mazigh,  Akli and Tannit were completely banned.   Authentic Amazigh leaders such as Tariq ibn Ziyad, Ibn Battuta, Hannibal and Syphax were all introduced to pupils and students as if those varied individuals were all of Arab extraction.  Teaching Amazigh history was totally forbidden as were all types of art.  And musicians were forced to sing in Arabic rather than in the mother tongue, Tamazight. Suspected activists or 'agitators' as well as competent writers were either 'disappeared' or just killed.  That was the fate of the great poet and writer Saeed Sifawe, killed in 1994 by Gaddafi's henchmen in a planned 'accident'. Because of  the repression suffered by the Amazigh people under Qaddafi’s regime, they were among the first true Libyans, of any ethnicity, to take up arms and to join the revolution.  Towns like Yefren, Kalla, Jadou Kabou, Nalout and Zawara were the first Western Libya towns to join the uprising. There was however a terrible price to pay!  On 13th June 2011 34 civilians were found to have been buried alive.  In this grisly event known as 'The Almaieb Massacre' most of the victims were very either young people or elderly men from Qualla, a small village situated 120km west of the capital Tripoli.  

The Amazigh towns and cities were regarded as a legitimate target by Gaddafi's militias, and as a direct consequence hundreds of innocent Amazigh were killed in cold blood. This leads us to ask an important question: 'Were any Amazigh aspirations for the Revolution - or expectations of it - ever achieved, ambitions which they shared with many other Libyans on the battlefield, for a fairer State able to hold ALL its inhabitants as equals, without distinction as to colour, race or belief?  At least for the time being, the realisation of such dreams is still miles away. As regards the proposed new Libyan Constitution, the indigenous people of whom we speak boycotted the elections that were held on 20 July 2014.  After two years of hard work costing hundreds of thousands of dollars out of public funds, ‘The Constitution Drafting Assembly’ had completed the final draft of their official document.  The final product however was a total and utter disappointment and betrayal for the Amazigh people, many of whom had made the ultimate sacrifice.  The resulting Final Draft came nowhere near minimum requirements for Equality and Justice. For Article Two of the new  constitution proposal went like this: Identity and Language: ‘’The Libyan Identity shall be based on inclusive and diversified principles.   Libyans are proud of their social, cultural, and linguistic elements and Libya shall be considered part of the Arab and Muslim World, of Africa, and of the Mediterranean Basin.  The Languages spoken by the Libyans or a part of them, including Arabic, Amazigh, Targuiya and Tebu are considered a cultural and linguistic heritage as well as a common asset for all Libyans.  The State shall guarantee taking the necessary measures to protect them, to preserve their originality and to develop their teaching to and usage by those who speak them.  Arabic is the language of the State. The law shall regulate in the first parliamentary term the details of integrating the other languages in the areas of public life on the local level and the State level’’

 Article Two of the proposed final version of the constitution, as eventually published does similarly, perhaps inevitably state that Arabic is to be the one and only Official Language of the Libyan State.  But also as above Tamazight (Berber) is curiously described as 'a cultural and linguistic heritage of all Libyans'.  What strange 'diplomatic' highly delusional language this constitution is playing with  .And what a disappointment for the Amazigh people this will be !

Today six years on from the start of the revolution, I believe that well-informed intelligent and active Amazigh young people must all agree that the struggle for Human Rights in modern Libya is far from over. Although on a new course Libya is heading in a very uncertain direction.

السفيرة الامريكية تزور منطقة الطوارق "أهقار" جنوب الجزائر 

قامت السفيرة الاميركية "جوان بولاشيك"  بزيارة غير متوقعة لمنطقة  الطوارق "أهقار",  جنوب الجزائر التي على أثرها قام والي وحالكم المدينة التقليدي السيد أدبير بأستقبالها والتجول معها. حيث شهدت  في أماكن مختلفة من المدينة, رفقة عدد كبير من أعيان ونساء الطوارق وهي ترتدي زيا تقليديا خاص بالطوارق قدم لها كهدية

 قبل أن تحظي بترحيب خاص من قبل أهالي المدينة  وعلى طريقتهم الخاصة.. حيث أقيم على شرفها أستعراض تقليدي مصغر تحللته أنغام "تيندي" بصوت الفنانة التقليدية المعروفة لالة ولت بادي . وبدورها عبرت بأعجابها الشديد بثقافة الطوارق التي وصفتها بأنها الفريدة من نوعها في العالم

 وتتزامن زيارة السفيرة الامريكلية لمنطقة أهقار بأحداث دامية تشهدها منطقة "تين زواين" الواقعة في أقصى جنوب الجزائري حيث تشهد هذه الاخيرة منذ أيام,  مظاهرات وأعتصامات عارمة ردا على  مقتل أحد أبناء الطوارق في المدينة من قبل الجيش الجزائري ووسط أزمة أقتصادية تضرب الجنوب الجزائري  منذ إغلاق الحدود أمام التجار من الطوارق مصدر رزقهم الوحيد.